Si persisten en su estrategia Obama y la OTAN serán derrotados en Afganistán

Pepe Escobar
Asia Times
Traducido del inglés para Rebelión por Germán Leyens

Afganistán no es sólo el cementerio de imperios; es un cementerio de conceptos erróneos.
Osama bin Laden, el líder de Al-Qaeda, creía que los muyahidín derrotaron por sí solos al imperio soviético; de modo que una banda muyahidín más compacta, al-Qaeda, sería la vanguardia en la derrota del imperio estadounidense. Nunca fue así de simple.
En EE.UU. vale el mito de que la Agencia Central de Inteligencia (CIA) asestó a los soviéticos “su Vietnam”; que por lo tanto fue básicamente una victoria de EE.UU., en la que “los combatientes por la libertad” (copyright presidente Ronald Reagan) fueron los actores de reparto. Nunca fue así de simple.

El establishment de militar y de inteligencia paquistaní cree desde fines de los años setenta, que un Afganistán títere era esencial para su “profundidad estratégica”. Nunca fue así de simple.
También es útil recordar actualmente que poco ha cambiado respecto a la tragedia afgana en estas últimas tres décadas. Y eso hace que la próxima ‘oleada’ de EE.UU. y de la OTAN en Afganistán sea un camino garantizado a la ruina.
Tras la cortina roja
Es fácil olvidar en EE.UU. que la inteligencia soviética a fines de 1979 estaba más que consciente de un inminente pacto antisoviético entre China y EE.UU. – que plasmaría lo que más temía la URSS: ser rodeada por poderes enemigos.

Había, por cierto, elementos políticos afganos que obligaron a actuar a los soviéticos. Moscú deseaba apoyar un gobierno comunista en Kabul, y estaba muy alerta ante la posibilidad de que la revolución islámica fuera exportada de Irán a Afganistán occidental.
Pero también existía el hecho de que unos 100 altos funcionarios soviéticos – incluyendo tres coroneles del KGB – habían sido asesinados por fundamentalistas tribales a plena vista del gobierno de entonces de Hafizullah Amin. (Después de la invasión soviética Amin fue despachado a la Lubyanka, la central del KGB en Moscú, y torturado: había hecho un tal lío en Kabul que se creía que era agente de la CIA. Amin fue finalmente ejecutado por “proceso administrativo” – un tiro en la nuca.)

El consejero de seguridad nacional del ex presidente de EE.UU. Jimmy Carter, Zbigniew Brzezinski – actualmente eminencia gris de la política exterior del presidente Barack Obama – ciertamente instrumentalizó a los muyahidín. Después de todo, lo que Zbig realmente quería – y logró – era “inducir una intervención militar soviética”.
Pero cuando Carter obtuvo su invasión, la interpretó como que la URSS realmente quería invadir el Golfo Pérsico y cortar el suministro de petróleo de “nuestro” mundo occidental. Pocas voces cuerdas en EE.UU. advirtieron que un tal intento de la URSS significaría una guerra nuclear con EE.UU.

El historiador, diplomático, estratega e ícono del establishment de la política exterior de EE.UU., George Kennan – autor de la estrategia de la “contención” del comunismo – fue una de esas voces; desechó a Carter por “inmaduro.”
Kennan también señaló dos puntos que siguen siendo extremadamente válidos hoy en día: que si el Golfo Pérsico era tan “vital” para EE.UU., se debía a la codicia de petróleo de EE.UU, y que la inestabilidad en Oriente Próximo no se debía a acciones de la URSS sino al conflicto israelí-palestino, en el que EE.UU. respalda ciegamente a un lado.
En caso de duda, adelántate a tu contrincante
Sobre todo, desde el punto de vista soviético, la invasión de Afganistán fue una clásica acción preventiva – una especie de repetición de la crisis de los misiles en Cuba. En 1962, Fidel Castro informó a Moscú que EE.UU. estaba preparando la invasión de Cuba. El alto comando soviético entonces propuso una acción preventiva – el despliegue de misiles en el entendimiento de que serían enviados de vuelta a casa en caso de protesta del presidente John F Kennedy, logra la inviolabilidad de Cuba.

En la invasión de Afganistán, que había tenido gobiernos pro-comunistas o pro-soviéticos durante los años anteriores – aunque su apoyo a Moscú no fue exactamente entusiasta – los soviéticos se anticipaban a la posibilidad de que a través de un pacto con EE.UU., China entrara en Afganistán siguiendo a su aliado, el ultraconservador Pakistán, y probablemente utilizando dinero estadounidense.
Por lo tanto la acción soviética se justificaba en términos de su estrategia de supervivencia. Pakistán ya estaba involucrado en aquel entonces en una operación – junto con China y EE.UU. – contra sectores políticos y sociales en Afganistán. Con la invasión de Afganistán y la victoria electoral de Indira Gandhi electoral en India, la URSS creó un títere.

Lo que nadie podía imaginar en 1979 era que el poderoso Ejército Rojo sería, si no derrotado, por lo menos paralizado por un puñado de guerreros montañeses con rifles. En cuanto a Pakistán, su plan maestro siempre fue controlar Afganistán, aunque fuera indirectamente, en nombre de su teoría de la “profundidad estratégica” (y eso no ha cambiado hasta hoy).
La influencia de movimientos izquierdistas en Afganistán ya se pudo observar en una elección más o menos libre en 1954, cuando la izquierda eligió a 50 congresistas de un total de 120. Una buena parte de esos izquierdistas eran nacionalistas e islamistas radicales. La URSS había estado ayudando a Afganistán desde la revolución de octubre de 1917. Igual que Moscú, Mohammed Daoud – quien depuso a su primo, el rey Zahir Shah en 1973 – quería modernizar Afganistán por la fuerza. El precedente no era muy alentador, es decir el fracaso del rey Amanullah en 1919, también apoyado por los rusos.

Incluso si Washington bajo Obama estuviera interesado actualmente (y no lo está), la modernización de Afganistán por la fuerza tampoco funcionaría. Lo que se necesitaría realmente es una sólida construcción de la nación – mucha inversión en educación e infraestructura que genere verdaderas oportunidades de empleo, mientras se asegura que el dinero no desaparezca en el agujero negro de la burocracia ministerial de Kabul.
Promover el socialismo, el progreso o simplemente la democracia en Afganistán sólo mediante la distribución de ayuda – sin cambiar fundamentalmente una estructura social centenaria – es imposible. Fue – y seguirá siendo – la clave para resolver el acertijo afgano, y es el motivo principal por el cual fracasará la ‘oleada’ de Obama, el Pentágono y la OTAN, total o a medias.

Como perder una ‘guerra civil revolucionaria’

En cuanto al fin de la invasión/ocupación soviética hace poco más de 20 años, la dinámica ha cambiado en comparación con los fines de los años setenta. Entonces había una distensión tanto con EE.UU. como con China. Un mito estadounidense dice que los soviéticos abandonaron Afganistán porque EE.UU. (y Pakistán, más dinero de Arabia Saudí) manipularon la mayor guerra de guerrillas del Siglo XX, cuyo golpe de gracia fueron esos preciosos misiles Stinger que la CIA terminó por enviar a los muyahidín.
Ésa fue sólo una entre una miríada de razones, todas relacionadas con un complicado desastre financiero en la URSS: la caída de los precios del petróleo y del gas; las secuelas de Chernobyl; un horrible terremoto en Armenia; un pésimo rendimiento en la agricultura; y la parálisis de la perestroika.

A comienzos de 1989, la mayoría de los rusos consideraba la invasión de Afganistán en diciembre de 1979 como un gran error. Además tuvieron que contar sus muertos. En la primera ola los muertos fueron uzbecos, tayikos, turcomanos y kirguizos. Después fueron bielorrusos, ucranianos, estonios y, sí, rusos.
Desde la paz de Brest Litovsk en 1918, los soviéticos nunca habían sufrido una derrota político-militar. Para los ideólogos oficiales cercanos al antiguo presidente soviético Mikhail Gorbachov, no se trataba de una guerra de conquista, sino de una guerra civil revolucionaria con la ayuda “internacionalista” de la URSS.
Pero esa “guerra civil revolucionaria” terminó por ser ganada por un montón de tribales musulmanes - Rabbani, Khalis, Abdul Haq, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Ahmad Shah Masoud, Ishmail Khan – y sus comandantes. (Es interesante recordar que Abdul Haq fue posteriormente muerto por los talibanes, Masoud fue muerto por al-Qaeda dos días antes del 11-S, Ishmail Khan sigue gobernando en Afganistán occidental y
Hekmatyar sigue siendo el más detestado por Washington que anda suelto.)

Desde el punto de vista de Moscú, por lo menos la frontera sur de la URSS estaba pacificada. Las unidades especiales del general Boris Gromov dejaron atrás millones de minas terrestres. Pero sobre todo la URSS – y EE.UU. – dejaron atrás un supurante ejército guerrillero a múltiples niveles, dividido entre siete partidos suníes, basados en Pakistán, y ocho partidos chiíes, apoyados por Irán. La perspectiva para Kabul era un escenario Saigón o un escenario Beirut. A fin de cuentas, ganó “Beirut”: de la situación libanesa ampliada surgió el Frankenstein de Pakistán – los talibanes.
Nunca se subrayará lo suficiente: casi todo talibán es pastún, pero no todo pastún es talibán. La actual estrategia de EE.UU. y la OTAN de una guerra contra campesinos pastunes es tan insensata como la guerra fracasada contra los baasistas en Iraq. (Casi todos los baasistas eran árabes suníes, pero no todo árabe suní era baasista.)

El general Gromov, ex comandante del 40 Ejército soviético en Afganistán – y actualmente gobernador de la región de Moscú – no escatimó sus palabras al “celebrar” el 20 aniversario de la retirada soviética, el 15 de febrero: “Pienso que la guerra fue un error político inmenso, y en muchos sentidos irreparable, de la dirigencia de la Unión Soviética de entonces.”
Actualmente Gromov subraya que “la región de Moscú envía regularmente ayuda humanitaria a Afganistán.” Si Obama hiciera un llamado a Gromov oiría algunas palabras aleccionadoras: persista en su “estrategia” y usted y la OTAN serán derrotados en el “cementerio de imperios.”
Vuelven los combatientes por la libertad

A diferencia de la retórica acostumbrada de Obama, Afganistán no es el “frente central en la guerra contra el terror”. La clave para el acertijo reside en los mandos medianos de la Inteligencia Inter-Servicios (ISI) y en el ejército paquistaní. La ISI “inventó” a los talibanes – y los mandos medianos y superiores, así como algunos oficiales pastunes del ejército, siguen apoyando totalmente no sólo a los talibanes “históricos” del grupo de Mullah Omar sino también a los neotalibanes de las variedades de Baitullah Mehsud y Maulana Sufi Mohammed.
El problema es que Washington no tiene la influencia, ni la credibilidad, ni la información confidencial necesarias para realizar una amplia purga de la ISI y del ejército paquistaní.

Y luego, existe el problema de la endémica corrupción afgana. Si un país suministra un 93% del opio del mundo, es definitivamente un narco-Estado. Puede que los talibanes no controlen la compleja red del cultivo de adormidera – pero se benefician con su transporte y contrabando.
La Alianza del Norte, hegemónica en el juego del poder en Kabul, está directamente involucrada, así como la familia pastún del presidente Hamid Karzai. Una medida adicional del desconcierto de Washington en Afganistán es que una nueva “solución” en discusión involucra librarse de Karzai e instalar a un nuevo dictador favorable/títere.
Obama – incluso sin estar familiarizado con el escenario Afganistán-Pakistán – tiene que ser suficientemente listo para ver la ‘oleada’ per se como una jugada suicida. El problema es que todavía parece creer que la guerra es “ganable”. Su última definición de “ganar”, durante su breve visita a Canadá, es “derrotar a al-Qaeda” y asegurar que el escenario Afganistán-Pakistán no sea una “rampa de lanzamiento para ataques contra Norteamérica.” De modo que, si esa es la misión tendrá que reconocer que el nodo crucial es Pakistán, no Afganistán.

En detrimento de políticas romantizadas, el 11-S nunca fue organizado en una cueva en Afganistán: fue tramado en células en Alemania y España por saudíes y paquistaníes, y no había un solo afgano entre ellos. Todos los ataques subsiguientes fueron planificados básicamente en Europa Occidental, no en Afganistán.
Por su parte, al-Qaeda “histórica” actual no tiene nada que ver con un Citigroup orientado hacia el terror; está compuesto por no más que unas pocas docenas de personajes tenebrosos – incluido Ayman al-Zawahiri – oculto con gran probabilidad en los Waziristanes y en los enormes espacios vacíos de Baluchistán.
Los problemas de Obama son exacerbados por el hecho de que está rodeado de gente, como el supremo del Pentágono Robert Gates, que siguen bloqueados en el modo de la “guerra contra el terror”/Guerra Prolongada. El vicepresidente Joe Biden y el enviado especial al teatro Afganistán-Pakistán, Richard Holbrooke – para no mencionar al general David “me estoy colocando para 2012” Petraeus – son halcones adverados. Harán todo lo posible por guiar las conclusiones de la revisión de la política estratégica en
Afganistán esperada por Obama hacia el concepto de la Guerra Prolongada.

Para Andrew Bacevich, profesor de Relaciones Internacionales y de Historia en la Universidad Boston, el senador John Kerry, presidente del comité de Relaciones Exteriores del Senado representa la última esperanza de cordura.
Nunca se subraya lo suficiente que el marco de la “guerra contra el terror” de Bush sigue en pleno vigor. Leon Panetta, presentado por Obama como director de la CIA, dijo que la CIA seguirá básicamente haciendo ‘entregas extraordinarias.’ Elena Kagan, presentada por Obama como subsecretaria de justicia, dijo que la detención indefinida sin juicio sigue en vigor – no importa dónde sea capturado el detenido. Y el subprocurador general Michael Hertz dijo que los detenidos en la base aérea Bagram en Afganistán siguen sin derechos legales. Si Obama habla en serio sobre el cierre de Guantánamo, tiene que hablar en serio sobre el cierre de Bagram.
La estrategia dual “Alianza occidental” en el teatro de operaciones Afganistán-Pakistán, en su condición actual, consiste en que EE.UU. y la OTAN ocupen las partes de Afganistán no ocupadas por los talibanes, mientras Washington soborna a Islamabad para que le permita atacar a campesinos pastunes dentro de las Áreas Tribales bajo Administración Federal de Pakistán (FATA).

No puede sorprender que después de perder de facto una guerra en Iraq contra un montón de “irregulares” con Kalashnikovs, el Pentágono esté ahora aterrado ante la posibilidad de que la OTAN esté a punto de perder definitivamente la guerra en Afganistán, demostrando así a todo el mundo su irrelevancia total – y destruyendo de una vez por todas el tambaleante pilar de la hegemonía de EE.UU. sobre Europa.
La OTAN es incompetente incluso en sus mentiras. Un informe de la OTAN en enero afirmó que “sólo” 973 civiles fueron muertos en Afganistán en 2008, y "sólo 97" de estos por la OTAN. Este mes, un informe de la ONU confirmó que la OTAN miente. Según la ONU, por lo menos 2.118 civiles afganos fueron muertos en 2008 – 828 de ellos por EE.UU. o la OTAN.

Todos hablan de que cazas jet de EE.UU. y aviones teledirigidos Predator de la CIA causan gran conmoción desde tres bases aéreas paquistaníes secretas – con el silencio cómplice de Islamabad. Pero nadie habla sobre el componente de “humint”, o inteligencia humana, de la guerra encubierta de EE.UU. en Afganistán, realizada por lo que el New York Times define, con hipocresía espectacular, como “unidades militares que operan fuera de la cadena normal de comando.”
Las fuerzas especiales de EE.UU. forman parte de esa mezcla mortífera. Un reciente informe de la ONU identifica a estos comandos de EE.UU. como los culpables cruciales en cuanto a la muerte de civiles afganos. Lo usual es que Washington identifique a grupos semejantes – cuando operan bajo una bandera, o religión, diferente – como “terroristas.”
En el caso de este nuevo engendro estadounidense, es justo esperar que el Pentágono y el establishment de Washington comiencen tarde o temprano a llamarlos – en un eco siniestro del reciente pasado afgano – “combatientes por la libertad.”
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Pepe Escobar es autor de “Globalistan: How the Globalized World is Dissolving into Liquid War” (Nimble Books, 2007) y “Red Zone Blues: a snapshot of Baghdad during the surge.” Acaba de aparecer su más reciente libro “Obama does Globalistan” (Nimble Books, 2009).
Para contactos: pepeasia@yahoo.com.
(Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved.
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/KB27Df03.html

Galawi : nous soutenons le gouvernement de Haniyeh qui est le premier ministre des hommes libres

Gaza - CPI
Le député britannique et chef du convoi anti-blocus "Artère de la vie", George Galawi a adressé un fort message aux hommes libres du monde entier, en les appelant se motiver pour briser le siège imposé arbitrairement contre les habitants de la Bande de Gaza, en insistant sur des moyens efficaces comme l'acheminement des caravanes d'aides humanitaires vers Gaza.
Lors de son arrivée, lundi, à Gaza, le député britannique, Galawi a organisé une conférence de presse en présence des députés du bloc "changement et reforme" du Hamas, en confirmant que sa caravane qui comporte 200 véhicules en provenance de la Grande Bretagne, a fait un geste humanitaire pour briser le blocus injuste de l'occupation et ses alliés et attirer l'attention de la communauté internationale de l'injustice internationale qui viole les droits palestiniens.

Les organisateurs de la caravane britannique qui viennent en solidarité avec les palestiniens, notamment les habitants de Gaza, ont exprimé, dès leur arrivé à Gaza, leurs étonnement envers la situation très critique et l'inexistence de tout aspect de la vie humaine, en soulignant que des millions de militants au monde soutiennent le peuple palestinien agressé par l'occupation, et en affirmant que la justice doit régner un jour en Palestine, et que les palestiniens vont récupérer leurs droits légaux.

Galawi a confirmé que les hommes libres du monde entier soutiennent le gouvernement d'entente nationale, dirigé par le premier ministre, Ismaïl Haniyeh, tout en souhaitant aux palestiniens la récupération de leurs droits dont la libération d'Al Qods occupée.

http://www.palestine-info.info/

The US-India-Mossad Connection

Another devious plan to disable Pakistan

Asif Haroon Rajar
Pakistan Daily
Sat, 28 Feb 2009

Both Israel and India aspire to become unchallenged military powers of Middle East and South Asia respectively. The USA provides the requisite backup support to accomplish their ambitions. In order to retain their regional ascendancy both have paid particular attention towards modernising conventional and unconventional military means far outmatching their neighbours. Apart from building their military power it becomes necessary for the duo to ensure that none of its neighbours acquires any weapon system superior to its own or is in a position to flex muscles or unite to pose a credible challenge.

Above all, they over ensure that no Muslim country can possess nuclear capability and be in a position to avert blackmailing and bullying tactics. In other words, both desire weak and subservient states doing their bidding. Nuclear capability with any country is a death knell for their megalomaniac aspirations and hence a binding necessity to prevent its acquisition.

Iraq was the first Muslim country which was fast moving towards acquiring nuclear capability. Once Iraq got fully embroiled in war with Iran, Israel destroyed the Iraqi nuclear plant at Osirak in 1981. Later on, the USA helped in decimating Iraqi conventional military power through First and 2nd Gulf Wars and reducing the most powerful military machine of the Arab world to a mere counter insurgent force. Having already neutralised Egypt through the Camp David Accord, Israel emerged as the unchallenged military power of the region. The suspected nuclear program of Syria was destroyed by Israeli planes.

Israel is now worried about Iran which it suspects is developing a weapons grade nuclear program with the active assistance of Russia. Iran's well-developed delivery means and the aggressive stance adopted by the Iranian leadership against Israel add to its woes. Tel Aviv is not in a position to cause any harm to Iran on its own and is therefore persistently pestering the USA to destroy Iran's nuclear plants. Unless these nuclear facilities are destroyed, Israel would always remain insecure and even hesitant to go full out against the Iranian backed Hezbollah and Hamas, the two radical groups who have seriously compromised the authority of Israeli military power for the first time. Ever since the rise of Islamists in Iran, the USA has been resorting to covert means to bring the regime down and replace it with moderate reformists. It had pumped in millions of dollars during the last elections in Iran to affect a regime change but failed. It has also failed to coerce, isolate or entice the leadership to abandon its nuclear program in return for monetary benefits. The CIA is however still busy carrying out covert operations through Iraq and Baluchistan where it has cultivated a Sunni Iranian group Jandullah for carrying out sabotage and subversion in neighbouring Zahidan province. Shamsi air base in Baluchistan is still in use by US troops for monitoring Iran.

As far as India is concerned, it is faced with a nuclear Pakistan which is presently an ally of the USA in the ongoing war on terror. Pakistan has never accepted the hegemony of India even when it was non-nuclear and had gone to war with India in 1948, 1965 and in 1971. The Kargil conflict in summer of 1999 had the potential of getting converted into a full blown war with possible nuclear overtones. Nuclear Pakistan is a common threat to both India and Israel since the latter feels that either it could transfer nuclear technology to any of its Arab neighbours or come to the aid of a Muslim country embroiled with it. It also fears that Islamic militants might steal nuclear bombs and pose a threat to its existence. Because of a commonality of threat perceptions, both India and Israel are working in tandem in pursuit of common objectives.

The duo has developed close military, economic, and nuclear ties and Israel is now the biggest arms supplier to India. Both have been vying to destroy Pakistan's nuclear facility at Kahuta since the 1980s. Having discerned that its destruction through a surgical strike is risky because of the efficient and credible response system of Pakistan, the duo has been trying to disable Pakistan's nuclear capability through indirect means.

The occupation of Afghanistan in the aftermath of 9/11 provided a godsend opportunity to India and Israel to give practical shape to their nefarious plan of disarming Pakistan. From 2002 onwards RAW, Mossad with the active collaboration of the CIA and FBI have been undertaking subversive activities inside Pakistan from Kabul to weaken all the protections around nuclear assets and hijack them at an opportune time without having to wage a war. The godfather USA helped its chief operators by winning over Gen Musharraf and opening up the western border for undertaking clandestine operations in selected regions. The trio then set about weakening Pakistan's state institutions through a wilful and well orchestrated propaganda campaign. India has always used propaganda warfare as an instrument to achieve its ends. The vilification campaign was intensified from 2005 onwards and it gained momentum in 2008 onwards. The targets chosen were the army and the ISI since the plotters knew that without sufficiently enfeebling these two institutions it would not be possible for them to achieve their objectives.

The trio worked on following objectives:

One, dupe the Pakistan leadership by promising carrots, peace with India and solution to Kashmir.

Two, cultivate important officials in various government departments, media and legal fraternity.

Three, inject secularism and remove the notion of Jihad, project militancy as the main threat to the existence of Pakistan and accentuate a secular-Islamist divide.

Four, stoke ethnic tensions, sectarian strife, and aid insurgencies.

Five, create divisions within the society and polarise it politically.

Six, defame the army and then create a wedge between the army and the civil government.

Seven, create misgivings, frustration, disillusionment, fear and despair among the people.

Eight, cripple state institutions and render the nation headless and disoriented.

Nine, weaken the economy and make Pakistan subservient to IMF.

Ten, deny the Pakistani army and the ISI any role in protecting the nuclear arsenal.

Eleven, make Pakistan ungovernable and a failing state.

Twelve, justify the entry of US-Nato forces into Pakistan to save Pakistan from its takeover by militants and to take nuclear assets into their safe custody.

While India established a string of Pakistan-specific consulates in Afghanistan, RAW was given huge funds to accomplish its mission of destabilisation of Pakistan. It recruited, trained and launched agents into Baluchistan, Fata and Swat. Likewise, Mossad set up camps in Badakshan to launch its agents into areas which had already been made restive by the CIA as a consequence of forced introduction of Pakistani troops into Fata and the CIA-FBI combine playing a double game. Afghans, Chechens, Uzbeks, Caucasians and disgruntled elements within Pakistan were trained in a manner that they could easily mix with locals. Some of the Hindu agents of RAW were caught and found uncircumcised. The tasks assigned to the agents were to create lawlessness and to defame the Taliban and to keep militancy boiling.

After making the peaceful areas restive, ironically, increasing militancy in nuclear-armed Pakistan has become one of the major causes of worry for USA. Madeline Albright said that Pakistan is an international migraine. Continuous drone attacks killing innocent people and the meddlesome role of RAW and CIA has in fact given a migraine to Pakistan. It must be remembered that the CIA was instrumental in fomenting Jihadism and militancy in Pakistan in the 1980s which is the cause of most of the suffering of the people of Pakistan. The illegal occupation of Afghanistan in 2001 together with the oppressive policies have triggered militancy in the region. In nuclear-armed India, neither the USA nor any other country stoked extremism and militancy. Yet the level and scale of militancy in India far outweigh Pakistan. While Hindu-Muslim riots in India are a regular phenomenon, in Pakistan the Hindus have never been persecuted. Whereas the Hindu extremists are intolerant towards all the minorities living in India and are always looking for an excuse to butcher them, in Pakistan all minorities are treated more fairly.

Indian Muslims are looked at with suspicion and they live in perpetual fear. The hatred of Hindu Rightists and Leftists against them is so intense that they treat them as second rate citizens and yearn to kill each one of them. The recently released film Slum dog Millionaire has exposed the wretched state of affairs of Indian Muslims and has become a cause of embarrassment for India. No religious party in Pakistan seeks the destruction of India while the Hindu extremist parties have often voiced their wish to nuke Pakistan. There has not been a single incident of theft of nuclear material in Pakistan but several cases of theft have taken place in India and yet the western world brazenly says that Pakistan's nuclear assets are in danger of getting stolen by extremists. Hindu extremists are so intolerant that they cannot even see their sports teams getting defeated by aPakistani team.

The newly appointed Special Envoy Richard Holbrooke undertook a visit to Pakistan, Afghanistan and India to tie up loose ends of a planned joint military operation from both sides of the Durand Line. In this US-Nato-Afghan-Pakistan troops would be taking part under the overall command of the US or Nato with a focus on the strip along Pakistan-Afghan border. This operation would enable foreign troops to gain entry into Pakistan and to establish a military base in Fata under the guise of providing protection to nuclear assets. Looking at the list of objectives set against Pakistan, alot of ground has already been covered by our adversaries. Having come out of the Mumbai trap unscathed, it is now to be seen how our leaders will respond to this devious plan aimed at disabling Pakistan.

http://www.daily.pk/

EEUU está ocultado que perdió la guerra de Irak el 10 de octubre 2006

La magnitud de la explosión deja pocas dudas acerca de la naturaleza de esta explosión nuclear. Esta información se ha mantenido en secreto por que todas las victimas eran soldados americanos.

Las consecuencias de aquella liberación de partículas de Uranio empobrecido y otras de plutonio, aunque cuestionada por el Departamento de Defensa, un estudio científico parece confirmar los efectos durante la guerra de Iraq son un peligro para el Hemisferio Occidental, un crimen contra la humanidad.

RECOMIENDO VER ESTE PDF:
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El personal médico del hospital militar de los EE.UU. en al-Habbaniyah había indicado que el hospital militar de esta enorme base aérea comenzó a recibir a los heridos y muertos.

a partir de las 23.00 h del 11 de octubre de 2006

Lista oficial de víctimas publicado por el hospital militar de Al-Habbaniyah a partir de las 23.00 h del 11 de octubre de 2006 :

Por oden alfabetico:

A - Pfc James R. Adams, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Captain Kenneth Adler, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company Pfc Bobby Ray Albertson , Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo 1st Lt.Keith Allen, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company Spc Cletus Anderson, 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Lance Cpl John Martin Ansley, Marine Forces Reserve’s 2nd Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment Spc Toby Anthony, National Guard’s 149th Brigade Combat Team Pfc Gustavo Armijo, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade Pfc Michael Armstrong, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Capt Steven Arnold, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division James Arthur Ash II, Central Intelligence Agency Cpl Edward Atkinson, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade

B - Pfc Roy Bailey, National Guard’s 149th Brigade Combat Team Spc John Baldwin, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade Pfc Charles Barbe, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company Pfc Thomas Barnhart , 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc James Barry, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Capt Robert Bell, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Spc William Bennett , Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company Pfc Saul Benson, 549th Military Police Company, 385th Military Police Battalion Pfc Joseph Berge, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion Pfc Joseph Berkeley , 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Capt Colmar Betts, 414th Civil Affairs Zack Billings, Department of Defense Edward Blair,, Civilian Contractor 1st Lt.Ronald Bort, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo Pfc Bowen, James, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division Pfc Thomas R. Boyd, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Spc Mel Brewer, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Master Sgt.Roger Brown , 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Francis Byrne, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company

C - Pfc Arthur Cahill, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Pfc Fernando Calderon, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Alex Callaghan, Civilian Contractor Pfc Peter Campbell, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo Cpl Douglas Carmody, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade Pfc Ashanti Carter, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Henry Cartwright, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company Pfc Ken Casey, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Russell Cavanaugh, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade Spc Raymond Chamberlain, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade Pfc Einar Christiansen, 414th Civil Affairs Spc Zack Christopher, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Eric Clark, 549th Military Police Company, 385th Military Police Battalion Ronald Colby, Civilian Contractor Pfc Marcus M. Cole, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Paul Collins, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division Pfc Rory Conner, Department of Defense Pfc Roger Connolly, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division Major Michael Connors, 414th Civil Affairs Steven Cooke, Department of Defense Spc Matthew Cooper, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Edward C. Courtney, Central Intelligence Agency Capt Jimmy Lee Craig, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo Spc Samuel Cramer, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company Pfc Micah Creighton, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company Spc Leonard Cunningham, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Cpl Paul E. Curtis, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company

D - Pfc Sebastian Daly, 2nd Battalion, 27th Infantry, 3rd Brigade, 25th Infantry Division 1st Lt.Benjamin Davis, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade Raymond Day, Civilian Contractor Pfc Justin Delaney, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Christopher Dixon , Marine Forces Reserve’s 2nd Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment Cpl Paul Doherty, 414th Civil Affairs Pfc Nicholas Dolan, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Lawrence Donahue, 1st Battalion, 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 82nd Airborne Division Pfc Randall Douglas, 1st Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Carl Dowd , Civilian Contractor Master Sgt.Phillip Doyle, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion Pfc Edmund Drake, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Spc Charles Duval, 2nd Battalion, 27th Infantry, 3rd Brigade, 25th Infantry Division

E - Spc Brandon East , Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Pfc Jeremy Edwards, 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Spc Shane Elkins, 549th Military Police Company, 385th Military Police Battalion Edgar Elliott , Central Intelligence Agency Pfc Ronald Ellis, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division 2nd Lt.Paul H. Etheridge, 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Sgt Kenny Evans, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division

F - Cpl Thomas Fairchild, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company Pfc Ben Farrell, 2nd Battalion, 8th Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Robert Feeney, 1st Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Cpl Angus Ferguson, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Lance Cpl Eetaban Fernandez, Marine Forces Reserve’s 2nd Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment Spc Bradford Fields , , Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company Pfc Raymond, Finlay, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Major Eduard Fischer, 414th Civil Affairs Pfc Kirk Fitzgerald, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault) Arnold Flynn, Civilian Contractor 1st Lt.Gene Ford, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo Pfc Scott Fort, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Capt Shelby Foster, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Pfc Jon Franklin, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Spc Harold Frederickson, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade Pfc Lawrence Frost, 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division

G - Pfc Michael Gaines, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Christopher Gallagher, National Guard’s 149th Brigade Combat Team Pfc Israel GarciaRogelio R. Garza, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division Pfc Daniel Gardner, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Brad Garrison , Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo Lance Cpl Kirk Geary, 2nd Light Armored Reconnaissance Battalion, 2nd Marine Division, II Marine Expeditionary Force Pfc Randy Geohegan, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Adam Gibson, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Master Sgt.Richard M. Gilligan, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Paolo Giovinazzo, 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Jeffery Givens, 1st Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division Cpl Mario Gold, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion 2nd Lt.Pedro Gomez, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Michael Gordon , 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Gabriel Govia, 2nd Battalion, 8th Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Thomas Grady, Department of Defense Pfc Kevin Graham, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Pfc Paul Gray, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Samuel Green, Marine Forces Reserve’s 2nd Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment Pfc Lloyd Griffith, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Cpl Andrew Gustafson, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company

H - 1st Lt. Seth Hall, , Marine Forces Reserve’s 2nd Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment Pfc Tobias Hancock, 1st Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc James Hansen, 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Sgt Stuart Harding , 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Randy Hardy, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Pfc Ronald Harris, 1st Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division Pfc Keith O. Harvey, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division 1st Lt.Karl Hawkins, 414th Civil Affairs Sgt. 1st Class Samuell Hayden, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Cpl Randi Hays, 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Ben Henderson, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade Pfc Kyle Henry, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division Spc Danid D.Herron, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault) Capt Kenneth Hilliard, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc John Hodge, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division 2nd Lt.Lee Hoffman, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Master Sgt.David Hoke, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division Pfc Ted Holmes, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Kenny Howard, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division

I- Keith Ingraham, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault) Pfc Daniel Innis, 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Cpl Shane Irving, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division

J - Pfc Tarrnish Jackson, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company Spc Lewellen Jacobs, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Cpl Timothy Jasper, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division 1st Lt.Larry Jenkins, 414th Civil Affairs 2nd Lt.Phiillip Johnson, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo Pfc Brian Johnstone, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company Pfc Todd Jones, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company Pfc Brendan Joscelyn, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division 2nd Lt.Cpl Allan Jose, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade Pfc Thomas Joyce, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault) Spc Benno Juarez, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division

K- 1st Lt.Eric Kaufman, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Charles Kavanaugh , Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo Cpl Jon Keats, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Eric Keefe, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Tony Keeler, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade Pfc Chester Keenan, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion Pfc Frank Kennedy, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Jon Kent, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Sgt Jordan Kessler, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Capt Mark King , 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Neil Kirk, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Spc Jeff Klein, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Alan Knoll, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade .Pfc Adam Koehler, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Capt Osmond Kray, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company 2nd Lt.Gary Krueger, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division

L - Tracey LaFaver , Civilian Contractor Lance Cpl Roger Lafferty, Marine Forces Reserve’s 2nd Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment Pfc Junior Lambert, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Shawn Lane, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Cpl Charles T. Langholz, 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Jimmy Bob Larkin, National Guard’s 149th Brigade Combat Team Pfc Eric Larsen, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion Sgt. 1st Class Robert Law, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Spc Andrew Richard, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Ricardo LeGallo, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division 2nd Lt.William S. Leonard, 2nd Light Armored Reconnaissance Battalion, 2nd Marine Division, II Marine Expeditionary Force Pfc Marshal Lindsley, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo Master Sgt.Tommy Lee Lipton, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc George Long, 1st Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Jimmy Longtree, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion 1st Lt. Jasper Loomis, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Pfc Carstairs Lowe, 2nd Battalion, 8th Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Robert M. Lynch, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company

M - Pfc Paul McKinnon , 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Keith MacVane, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Cpl Gunnar Magnusson, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Capt.Martin Mahoney, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Enzo Marini, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Rostan Markovic, Central Intelligence Agency Spc John M. Marshall, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company Pfc Michael Martin, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division Pfc Scott Marvin, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault) Pfc Leroy Mason, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Spc Greg Mathews, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Duncan Maxwell, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Brian Mayer, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade Arthur Mazzocco, Department of Defense 1st Lt.Joseph McAllister, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Master Sgt. Daniel McBride, . 2nd Battalion, 8th Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc William McClellan, 2nd Light Armored Reconnaissance Battalion, 2nd Marine Division, II Marine Expeditionary Force Spc Lou McConnell, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Sgt. 1st Class Albert McGinnis,. 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Master Sgt.David McRae, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Matthew Medigovich, Central Intelligence Agency Pfc Vincent Mendoza, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault) Cpl Richard Milich, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Pfc Ben Miller, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade Cpl Robert Mitchell, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Terrence Mogen, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade Pfc Ted Montague, 1st Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division Pfc Yates Montecino, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Esteban Morales, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion Pfc Darrell Morgan, Central Intelligence Agency Jeffery Morrison, Civilian Contractor

N - 1st Lt.Noble Natsios, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Carlos Naverez, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company Sgt. 1st Class Edward Nelson , 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division Cpl Donald Newcomb, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Roger Newell, Civilian Contractor Pfc Dorin Nicholson, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Bart Nolan, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Nelson Norton, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Wally Novak, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion

O - 1st Lt.Chris O’Brien , 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Stephen O’Connor, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Raymond O’Rourke, Civilian Contractor

P - Spc James W. Page, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Cpl Russell Palumbo, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Pfc Nicholas Pappas, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Troy Parker, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Mark Patten, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade George Paul, Civilian Contractor Lance Cpl Wallace Peabody, 2nd Light Armored Reconnaissance Battalion, 2nd Marine Division, II Marine Expeditionary Force Pfc Dale Peake, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Reed Perry, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company Pfc Samuel Petersen, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Roger Platt, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division 1st Lt.Thomas Poole, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade Pfc William Porter, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade Sgt Daniel Powell, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Todd Price, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Cpl Kevin Prisley, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Peter Purvis, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division

Q - 2nd Lt.Quesada, Gonzalo, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion Pfc Liam Quinn, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division

R - Pfc Chad Railey, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Spc Ignacio Ramirez, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Pfc Arthur Ramsen, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company Benjamin Raymond, Civilian Contractor Spc Todd Reckford, 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Aaron Reynolds, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade Pfc Timothy Richard, 1st Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division 1st Lt. Paul Richardson, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Robert Riley, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Shawn Roberts, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Cpl Kirk Robinson, National Guard’s 149th Brigade Combat Team Sgt. 1st Class James P. Rodgers, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division Master Sgt. Chad Romer, 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Martin Ross, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade Pfc Robert Rowan, 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division 2nd Lt.Seth Ryan, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division

S - Spc Ricardo Sagan, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade Pfc Hector Salazar, 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Cpl Ed Sampson, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division 1st Lt Walter San Fellipo, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Bruce Sartiano,, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Cpl Raymond Schmitz, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company 2nd Lt.Ernest Sherman , 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade Pfc Mario Sims, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Joshua Smith, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Andrew Snow, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo Gerald Sorenson, Department of Defense Lincoln Stadermann, Translator Master Sgt.Michael Stephenson, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Carl Stone,, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion Capt.Harold Sullivan, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division 1st Lt. Lawrence Swenson, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division

T - Cpl Augustus Tanner, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion Pfc Reginald Tate, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Duane Taylor, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade Sgt. 1st Class Curtis Thomas, 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Stuart Thompsen, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade Spc Larry Thomson, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Capt David Towers, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Pfc Dean Townsend, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division 2nd Lt.James Tracy, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company Pfc Paul Tucker, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Daniel Tyson, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division

U - Pfc Romillo Ugarte, 1st Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division Cpl Austin Unger, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division

V - Spc Ramon Valadez, 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Cpl Hector Velazquez, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Spc WalterVincent, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division 2nd Lt.ThomasVoelker, 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division

W - Spc Carl Wade, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Sgt. 1st Class Kevin Walker, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Ronald Walsh,, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Cpl Jack Ward, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault) Cpl Sean Weber, 1st Battalion, 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 82nd Airborne Division Pfc Steven Webster, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion Spc Paul Welch, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Capt.Gene Westin, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division Master Sgt.Richard Wheeler, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion Pfc Lawrence White, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Andrew Willams, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Sgt. 1st Class Mario Williamson, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company Russell Wilson, Translator Michael Wisniewski, Civilian Employee Cpl Chris Womack, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Burton Wood, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo

Y - Cpl Fernando Yates, 1st Battalion, 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 82nd Airborne Division Istvan Yatsevitch, Civilian Contractor Cpl John York, 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Peter Young, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division

Z - Pfc Mario Zammarella, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Cpl Jose Zamora, 1st Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division Spc Reuben Zamora, 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division Pfc Arno Ziegler, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion 1st Lt.Charles L. Zimmerman, 1st Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division

Jaén está de moda

Jaén está hoy en los periódicos, en las televisiones, en las tertulias...

En las ondas autonómicas persiste aún el eco del consejo de gobierno itinerante de ayer, mientras que las estatales lo mismo se anuncia el concierto de Paco Ibáñez en el Teatro Infanta Leonor (el día 20) que la cacería de Garzón, ¿cazador cazado?, con el ministro de Justicia, que ha puesto a Torres en el mapa del vendaval político nacional de los últimos días. Hasta Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría le ha preguntado en el Congreso de los Diputados a María Teresa Fernández de la Vega (fue diputada por la provincia) si Fernández Bermejo seguía en Jaén.

Y si no es es el debate sobre Aitor y su disfunción castrense, al que la definición de soldado le impide ingresar en el Ejército. Recuerda un mal día que tuvo Platón, en que se puso a definir el ser humano: animal bípedo sin plumas. Diógenes el Cínico, como su nombre indica, cogió un pollo, lo desplomó y lo soltó ante sus alumnos: he ahí el hombre de Platón. Este se tuvo que enojar y amplió su definición: animal bípedo sin plumas y con uñas anchas y largas.

Hay que tener cuidado con las definiciones y procurar que incluyan lo sustancial y no los complementos, los admnículos. En un soldado, el pene no es fundamental para hacer maniobras, salvo que sean en la oscuridad. Ni el valor reside en la bolsa del escroto, ¿o es que no hay mujeres que le echan huevos a la vida? Son más bien siglos de cultura del testículo. Bastante tienen los transexuales con vivir en un cuerpo que no es el suyo como para ponérselo más difícil.

http://blogs.ideal.es/jaenpuertodemar/2009/2/11/jaen-esta-moda

Las tramas del PP y sus protagonistas

Han sido cuatro semanas de infarto para los populares. Nada se ha visto más que los escándalos por una supuesta red de espionaje y un gravísimo caso de corrupción. Éstas son las claves

¿Por qué le afecta el escándalo a Mariano Rajoy?

Es el centro de todo este filme de espionaje y corrupción en el PP. No en vano, él es el líder nacional del partido, con poderes máximos. Al principio, peca por omisión. No hace nada cuando, el 19 de enero, El País publica que ex policías y ex guardias civiles hicieron labores de espionaje, elaborando informes sobre políticos para el consejero de Presidencia de la Comunidad de Madrid, Francisco Granados. El día 20, se conocen los seguimientos al vicepresidente madrileño, Ignacio González. El 21, el espionaje al número dos de Gallardón, Manuel Cobo.

¿Cuándo salta el presidente?
El 22 de enero, cuando se sabe la vigilancia al ex consejero de Aguirre Alfredo Prada, hoy en el círculo de Rajoy. Ese día, ordena a su secretaria general, Dolores de Cospedal, abrir una investigación interna. Además, decide publicar un durísimo comunicado contra la presidenta. En él expresa su “repugnancia” por unos “hechos gravísimos”. En los días posteriores se descubre que también fueron espiados el ex tesorero del PP Álvaro Lapuerta y la diputada regional Carmen Rodríguez Flores.

¿Vence Rajoy a la Comunidad?

Al final, no. El 2 de febrero, la presidenta anuncia que acepta crear una comisión de investigación en la Asamblea de Madrid. Por la tarde, De Cospedal comunica que “suspende” las pesquisas internas. Rajoy se ha arrugado. El 3 de febrero, tras guardar silencio 16 días, el líder del PP habla. Reconoce que los dossiers existen, pero no reprende a la presidenta. 36 horas más tarde, estalla el caso Gürtel. De nuevo, el silencio. El 11 de febrero, cuando se conoce la cacería de Garzón y Bermejo, salta al contraataque: presenta al PP como “víctima” e intenta recusar al juez, sin éxito.

¿Centra Aguirre todas las tramas?
Sí, por varios motivos. De un lado, el presunto seguimiento a políticos del PP parece tener como epicentro la Consejería de Interior y su titular, Francisco Granados. En paralelo, se cruza el espionaje a Ignacio González en sus viajes en 2008 a Suráfrica y Colombia. Pero el vicepresidente madrileño está asimismo tocado por las adjudicaciones sospechosas y supuesta corrupción, descritas con detalle en un dossier de 69 páginas, que fue desvelado por Público. La Comunidad, más allá de denunciar el seguimiento a González, no ha dado explicaciones de esas concesiones que beneficiaron a familiares del número dos de Aguirre. Además, el Gobierno del PP ha impedido que la comisión de investigación abierta en la Asamblea de Madrid analice las adjudicaciones sospechosas del vicepresidente.

¿Se ve acorralada con la ‘Gürtel’?
El pasado lunes, todo jugaba en contra de Aguirre. Al vodevil del cese –luego desmentido y de nuevo confirmado– del alcalde de Boadilla, Arturo González Panero, se suma el golpe en la mesa. A las 19.15 horas, la presidenta anuncia las dimisiones del consejero de Deportes, Alberto López Viejo, y del gerente del Mercado Puerta de Toledo, Guillermo Ortega. El jueves, Garzón apunta que Francisco Correa, el cabecilla de la trama, pagaba “dádivas y sobornos a funcionarios y autoridades públicas” de Madrid y Valencia para lograr contratos. Señala también que puede haber aforados implicados. Dado que el PP no consigue personarse en la causa, anteayer lo intentó el Gobierno autonómico. Entre los posibles investigados, López Viejo y el diputado regional Alfonso Bosch.

¿Por qué salpica a Camps?
Ya desde el estallido de la Gürtel emergieron las sospechas sobre el Gobierno de Francisco Camps. El auto del juez lo ratificó: Correa dirigía un grupo que obtenía contratos de organización de eventos en Valencia. El Ejecutivo de Camps mimaba a Álvaro Pérez Alonso, presidente de Orange Market, y al empresario José Luis Ulibarri. Ambos están imputados.

¿Qué papel tiene Gallardón?
El 25 de enero, el principal sindicato de la Policía de Madrid denuncia que Gallardón creó una unidad parapolicial a su servicio. El alcalde asegura que no existe, pero Aguirre reta al regidor a “aclarar” el asunto. Tanto, que la presidenta insta a su grupo en la Asamblea a que reclame datos al Ayuntamiento. Gallardón guarda el más absoluto de los silencios. Quiere situarse al margen.

http://www.publico.es/espana/200740/tramaspp/espionaje/corrupcion

Para Roland Dumas, Nicolas Sarkozy es un cómplice de la "depuración étnica", organizada por Israel

Roland Dumas : « Sarkozy est le complice d’Israël »
Cargado por Mecanopolis

Roland Dumas, ex canciller y ex Presidente del Consejo Constitucional de Francia , fue entrevistado por « Radio-Orient », el jueves 8 de enero de 2009.
Denunció la política francesa en el Oriente Medio, diciendo que "Nicolas Sarkozy y Hosni Mubarak han maniobraron con sus idas y venidas para dar tiempo a que el ejército israelí para cometer la limpieza en Gaza. Es una catástrofe terrible cuando vemos los resultados de las matanzas que se produjeron (...)

Roland Dumas, ex canciller y ex Presidente del Consejo Constitucional de Francia , fue entrevistado por « Radio-Orient », el jueves 8 de enero de 2009.
Fuente: http://www.mecanopolis.org/?p=2951